of stock available in the city, balancing out such
factors as the type of accomodation available, its size
and location and cost against their own needs and
resources. Finally there are the "controllers", the
actors who make planning policy and manipulate the
various sets of controls within which the providers and
occupiers must operate, This account approximates more
closely to the British than the American situation, where
there would be other sets of actors representing
politicians and pressure groups.
Even at a very simple level, a view of the city which
starts from the stock of structures soon unfolds into a
most complicated pattern, which, like every other aspect
of the city, is an extraordinarily rich mine of research
themes and materials, A first task for any research
worker is to narrow the focus and to identify problems
which will be interesting and rewarding.
The Limits of Our Study
First of all let us limit our interest to the modern
industrial city. The problem springs immediately into
clearer focus. We see that the models of dealing with
change in modern cities are very different from those
adopted in other settlements and at other times. For
example, the accomodation in an African village or
encampment may be changed many times as population
expands or as new social or family groups come into
being. But the main pattern of accomodation
remains unchanged. The temporary nature of buildings in
African villages does not alter the permanence of the
pattern. Buildings in these primitive societies are very
simple and the same form, with minor variations is used
for most activifies. In modern cities the permanence of
buildings, combined with an increasingly rapid rate of
change in activities, cannot be dealt with simply by
rebuilding in the same manner as before.
A focus upon the modern industrial city brings immediate
advantages. But some difficulties arise from the
complexity of the city. Two approaches are possible; to
cover the total pattern of change in all its aspects; or to
select a single aspect or indicator of change and to study
it in some depth.
At first sight the first alternative seems most attractive.
Since the pattern of change is very complicated, and it
is difficult to separate one aspect from the next it seems
sensible to study a total pattern, even if this means
restricting our study to a single part of the city.
But there are difficulties. It is difficult to define or
isolate an area of the city which has sufficient
coherence to support exact hypotheses and which can be
usefully related to other parts of the city. How should we
know what to measure? And if adequate measurements
were possible, how could we judge whether the answer
were right or wrong? The more we think about the
proposal to consider all aspects of change in a particular
part or parts of the city the more we see that it is not
susceptible to rigorous analysis,
By isolatinga single facet for study across the
whole face of the city we gain a number of advantages.
First, and most important our studies gain in precision
and clarity. Because a single topic is brought into focus
it is possible to handle the problems with more rigour.
Second, data problems become more manageable. Third.
it is possible to formulate testable hypotheses
about the behaviour of a single aspect of the city, and
to decide with some degree of accuracy upon the
correctness of the answers we obtain.
The selection of a topic or facet for study becomes then
of immense importance. What kind of criteria should be
used to isolate such a topic? First, the facet chosen
must be easily distinguishable from other elements in the
patterns of urban growth. Second, it must be an
important element in forming the general pattern of
growth and change in the city. Third, there should be a
well-documented history of policies and controls
concerning the topic chosen. Fourth, there must be
coherent and well organized data available. Finally,
the facet chosen must be some kind of "major index" of
urban growth.
A number of topics fulfil these criteria, but one in
particular stands out in the modern city - the growth of
offices. Office growth is a major index of urban growth
today. One of the main reasons for the continued
existence of modern cities is because of the focus they
provide for communications. There are many vehicles
for such communications, but much of it is carried in
pieces of paper which emanate from offices - the paper
metropolis is indeed a major phenomenon today .
The pattern of office growth in London thus fulfils all the
criteria for our research programme. It has been importan!
to London for many years, and the post-war era has been
especially critical. Major policy decisions have been
taken concerning office growth in London. A great deal
of data is available from various sources concerning the
pattern of office development in London. Finally, office
growth can be distinguished from other facets of urban
growth in London, and lend itself to treatment in model
form.
Having decided upon a topic for study, and a venue for
investigation we should set some limits on the span of
time we consider. The period for study is largely
dictated by data resources. It is only since the Town and
Country Planning Act in 1947 that office growth and
development has been subject to control, and these
controls have given rise to a considerable amount of
useful information. There are also theoretical reasons for
such a choice, The post-war years have seen a general
increase in communications activities of all kinds, so
that this period must be significant to the study of office
accomodation and activity in London during the years
since 1947
A First Hypothesis
Before a research worker can ask the right questions
about his subject he must set up some hypotheses -
however crude - about the processes he is looking at.
Such hypotheses may be modified during the progress of
the work, but they are an essential starting point.
Consider the development of office activities as a birth-
growth -death process. Each activity seeks different
accomodation at different stages of its life cycle;
balancing space, rent and location, against age and
condition of structural stock, tenancy conditions, and so
on. Activities are generated or "born" at a rather small
size, and the circumstances of birth often affect their
location. Most activities begin life in adapted premises,
for it is here that they find cheap rents which they can
ARCH + 1(1968) H.4